As it turns out, domestic patrons of secular parties, prominent opposition figures and glamorous "style icons" could be due to their well-being to those whom they publicly despise and against whom their political idols seem to promise to fight: corrupt officials, corrupt law enforcement officers and thievish managers State-owned corporations.
Recall that the former VRIO of the head of the "T" Directorate of the GUEBiPK MVD RF Colonel Dmitry Zakharchenko was detained in September 2016. The official pretext was the receipt of a bribe of 7 million rubles from a certain Anatoly Pshehornitsky. Strange coincidence, just a few weeks after Zakharchenko's arrest, deputy chairman of the largest energy company of FGC UES, Valery Goncharov, was arrested, who was accused of abuse of official powers. And in the media immediately appeared a leak that billions of rubles "black cash", found in Zakharchenko during searches, could easily be a "black cash register" of Russian power engineers.
It is significant that the names of the bribe-giving Przegarnitsky and the suspect (formally quite another in the criminal case) Valery Goncharov were mentioned long before these high-profile arrests. Back in 2013 (when Goncharov only took up his post in FGC UES), the media reported problems with the Rushengining company associated with Pshegornitsky, which in previous years received from FGC UES about 10% of all contracts for up to 35 billion rubles a year. As observers now suggest, the transfer of Zakharchenko's money bribed in 2015 by Przegarnicki could just be aimed at "settling" the relevant problems. Most likely, after that the whole story was in operational development, and law enforcement officers only waited for a convenient moment for arrests of all, as they say, "gangs".
But speaking in this case "all", it would be naive to believe that the public today knows all the names of participants of long-standing and extremely intricate corruption schemes. Some people are certainly making enormous efforts to stay in the shadows for as long as possible.
For example, in the context of the above-mentioned corruption scandals, the name of businessman Alexander Chistiakov, who is most directly connected with FGC UES, where he worked for many years at the same position as Goncharov arrested - deputy chairman of the board, and with Rusinzhiniring ", Whose co-owner he was called in the media, and with Przegarnicki, whose business partner he has been for many years. Suffice it to mention, for example, the fact that the scandalous company "Rusinzhiring" is physically based in the business center at Moscow, Scientific passage, 19, which belongs to Alexander Chistyakov. At the same address, several more companies and "firmochkas" were registered, potentially involved in "energy" topics and related to Przegnicki and Chistyakov.
The hotel still timid leaks in the media from law enforcement agencies allude to the fact that Colonel Zakharchenko and Valery Goncharov can now testify against Alexander Chistyakov. In this situation, they have nothing to lose. And at the disposal of Goncharov, simply because of his past job duties, there can easily be documentary material that reveals multi-billion "schemes of interaction" between Rusinzhiniring and FGC UES until 2013.
Alexander Chistyakov, recall, resigned from FGC UES only in August 2009. As the media reported earlier, "Being the first deputy chairman of FGC UES, Chistyakov distributed those billion-dollar contracts for many years, which he later mastered as the secret shareholder of Rusinzhirga, the leading contractor for FGC UES. The manager invested extra profits from this scheme in real estate development projects and the promotion of his wife (singer Natalia Ionova) ". According to some of these "schemes", the time limit for bringing to criminal responsibility has not yet completely expired.
The reluctance of Alexander Chistyakov to figure in these gloomy corruption stories is understandable: he refers to so-called "people with good faces", he is personally friendly or has common friends with a huge number of characters, whose "handshakes" are not to be doubted. In this list are Chistyakov's numerous old acquaintances, surrounded by Anatoly Chubais, and co-owners of the Dozhd trade union, Alexander Vinokurov and his wife Natalya Sindeeva (who in turn are friends with Dmitry Medvedev's spokeswoman Natalya Timakova and Alexander Budberg) and fashion jeweler Jan Raskovalov with his spouse Vadim (in turn, close friends of the two Xenia Sobchak and Maxim Vitorgan), and many other very influential and very "media" people.
However, the further development of the situation from the desires of Alexander Chistyakov is already weakly dependent. Most likely, everything will depend on the talkativeness of those who are obviously dissatisfied with their position of Goncharov and Zakharchenko on the one hand, and on the desire of the operatives to develop the information received from them, on the other. Famous friends and patrons, seriously frightened by the current anti-corruption company, are seriously unlikely to help Chistiakov.