Attached dossier
According to media reports, the past three or four days can lead to a paradoxical conclusion: a big campaign on cleaning up the Augean stables of corruption is actually going on in Russia.
This is confirmed both by the news about corruption scandals linked to the name of Senator Constantin Skomorokhin (the former head of the Essentuki city administration) and reports of the trial began on the criminal case initiated against the former head of the Territorial Administration of the Ministry of Property Relations of Russia in Moscow Tatiana Naydenova and her deputy Vladimir Polyutov. They are accused of abuse of power in the privatization in 2004 of one of leaders of the Soviet foreign trade VO Stankoimport FSUE; the investigators estimated the damage, caused by the ex-officials, at more than 2.5 billion rubles.
The investigation on numerous frauds around the Ministry of Defence is still going on. There were publications relating to a State Duma deputy Oleg Mikheev. Approaches to “former close members of the team” of Sergey Sobyanin have begun. On the other hand, many media report on the forthcoming transaction on Rosneftegaz’s repayment of 53.36 % stake from Inter RAO UES JSC, which can be easily considered to be a model of corruption.
Zealous investigation
The major newsmaker on the Ministry of Defense cases was the press secretary of the SK (the Investigative Committee of RF) Markin. He informed about searches conducted in the cottages of the Podmoskovie sanatorium. The cottages were used for housing by Serdyukov's family and other officials of the Ministry of Defence. The police looked for documentation on previous transactions in the Ministry of Defence. They have seized a number of documents and HDs. For sure, they have found compromising materials on the vast majority of employees of the Ministry - a point in favor of Sergey Shoigu. In addition, it states that the sanatorium does not belong to the Ministry of Defense but it belongs to the Federal Tax Service of the Russian Federation. The cottages for the Ministry of Defense were rented by Security and Communication Company of Alexander Elkin, now being the accused in the criminal cases on real estate thefts and frauds by Slavyanka firm.
The list of persons involved in the criminal cases is curious: according to some serious hints, they are mainly either former mistresses of Serdyukov, or their husbands. A typical quote, “According to the media, Vasilyeva and Serdyukov were on fairly good terms. In 2009, Vasilieva moved to Moscow and settled in a 13-room apartment in the elite house. Serdyukov was her housemate. Reporters learned that in the spring of 2012, Zubkova filed for divorce”.
That Evgenia Vasilyeva was charged this week under Art. 159, P. 3 (“Fraud in especially large sizes”). Markin announced the incriminated amount of damage - 277 million rubles for two episodes. Since November 9, Ekaterina Smetanova has been in prison.
Dear Moscow
Two more large corruption themes have been in some way politically motivated. First, it is about the criminal cases brought against the former officials of the Administration of the Tyumen region. Pavel Mitrofanov (bribery) and Vladimir Cheymetov (negligence) have been suspected of joint sharing out of budgetary funds committed with the wife of the current mayor of Moscow, when he was governor of Tyumen.
It is nothing to incriminate to Sergey Sobyanin personally. So, it means that over him, a sort of control is being established by the Federal Security Service, or the next stage of the struggle for the post of Moscow Head has started. A number of influential administrative and financial groups look out on controlling of the capital.
The information support of the cases on default of loans from Promsvyazbank and NOMOS-Bank by the Diamant group of companies is going on as well. The Diamant is associated with the name of the deputy Oleg Mikheev (A Just Russia faction). A video of his conversation with the assistant about circumstances of the loan has been published in the Internet.
The most interesting thing in this situation is that A Just Russia party didn’t express support for his deputy. But the chairman of the State Duma Sergey Naryshkin tries to delay consideration on Mikheev’s deprivation of parliamentary immunity. Mikheev himself “is on a business” in China...
Authorities’ actions
As always, there is the least discussed but the most significant information about the expected transaction on sale of 53.36% of shares of Inter RAO UES Company to Rosneftegaz. It should be noted that the Inter RAO UES Company is a sphere of influence of the President of Rosneft and Secretary of the Presidential Commission on the Fuel and Energy Sector Igor Sechin.
The essence of the sale is privatization through Rosneftegaz controlled by the same Sechin. In other words, it is a support for the energy concerns at the expense of Gazproms and Rosneft dividends with the help of an intermediary company.
At the meeting of the government, the Deputy Prime Minister Arcady Dvorkovich, lobbying Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev’s positions, actively protested against the scheme. However, the President authorized the transaction.
Thus, Igor Sechin, faded into the background for a while, now has dramatically increased his economic and political power. While the President keeps the policy of building of the authority balances. However, both factors are interrelated and they are part of a single process.
In 1991 Sergey Sobyanin was appointed head of Kogalym administration by order of Alexander Filipenko, head of the Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug administration. As the city mayor Sobyanin aimed most of his activities at building relationship in this one-company town with the only enterprise there,Kogalymneftegaz (LUKOIL-Western Siberia JSC since 1994). At that timeKogalymneftegaz employed Vagit Alekperov, future president of Lukoil, and Semyon Weinstock, future head of the Transneft.
Sobyanin did not defend city interests before LUKOIL in the full, agreeing with the tax rate the company was willing to pay.
Source: Expert Ural, 21 November 2005
In 1993 the head of administration of the Khanty-Mansiysk Autonomous District, Alexander Filipenko, appointed Sobyanin his first deputy. On March, 6, 1994 Sobyanin was elected to the regional Duma and Filipenko, head of the Khanty- Mansiysk Autonomous Okrug secured his election as Chairman of the Duma. Roman Abramovich supported the candidacy of Sobyanin.
Source: Moskovsky Komsomolets, 16 November 2005
In terms of region’s relationship with the major oil companies, Sobyanin initially was considered to be "a man of Alekperov." Nevertheless, he conducted a policy of balance between the different companies. It was at that time when Sobyanin met Putin, the future president of Russia. Associated with Surgutneftegaz, Sobyanin was related to the company’s oil refinery in Kirishi in the Leningrad region, which allegedly was controlled by Vladimir Putin and Gennady Timchenko.
Source: Russian Newsweek, 18 October 2010
In 1999-2000 Sobyanin was involved in the scandal surrounding Yuri Skuratov, the Attorney General of the Russian Federation. President Boris Yeltsin's confidants demanded Skuratov’s resignation. Sobyanin was the head of the Council of Federation committee that prepared the legal grounds for the dismissal. At first Sobyanin justified both the point of view of Council members who opposed the dismissal of Skuratov, and the behavior of the Attorney General who refused to leave his post. Nevertheless, later (after Putin supported the resignation of Skuratov) Sobyanin actually insisted that the Council of Federation vote for the resignation of the Attorney General.
Source: Sobesednik № 93, 29 November 2005
In January 2000 Sobyanin joined the initiative group to nominate Putin as candidate for presidency. In summer 2000 Sobyanin, who had previously opposed Putin's administrative reform initiative that involved, inter alia, the withdrawal of governors of the Council of Federation, unexpectedly endorsed the relevant laws. All this, as well as participation of the Khanty-Mansiysk speaker in the dismissal of Skuratov contributed to the fact that Putin took notice of Sobyanin, which, according to experts, affected Sobyanin’s promotion.
Source: Ogoniok № 41, 18 October 2010
On July 12, 2000 Sobyanin became the first deputy to Peter Latyshev, the plenipotentiary representative of the Russian President in the Ural Federal District, and the press highlighted that it was the president who appointed him to the post.
Source: Vedomosti, 18 October 2010
In November 2000, Latyshev included Sobyanin in the list of possible candidates for the post of Tyumen region governor. The candidacy of deputy envoy was supported by Vladislav Surkov, the deputy head of presidential administration. In addition, according to the media, he was supported by energy companiesSurgutneftegaz and Surgutgazprom. On January, 14, 2001 having received over52 percent of the vote, Sobyanin was elected governor in the first round of voting.
Source: Polit.Ru, 15 November 2005
In June 2001 Sobyanin joined the board of directors of one of the largest oil companies TNK (Tyumen Oil Company) and became its chairman. Sobyanin remained chairman until June 2003 when all region heads were withdrawn from the TNK board of directors. At the same time Sobyanin remained close ties withTNK managers and those of the later established holding TNK-BP (according to some sources, after 2005 Sobyanin was involved in a conflict between the Russian shareholders of the holding and its foreign co-owner, BP)
Source: Kommersant № 102 (2705), 17 June 2003
After the gubernatorial election of 2001 Sobyanin thoroughly removed all those who helped him win from the regional politics. He was especially careful to rid of defectors from the team of the former region head, Leonid Roketskiy. Head of the regional FSB and the Interior Ministry, the head of the regional medical service, dozens of officials and editors of media outlets were dismissed from office.
Source: New Times, 26 March 2007
Sobyanin was known to dislike opposition media when he was governor of the Tyumen region. In particular, his remark "I do not believe that a journalist could be free by definition, and the press in our country can not be free" was often quoted.
Source: UralPolit.Ru, 06 December 2004
On June, 1, 2006 the head of LUKOIL Vagit Alekperov reportedly phoned Sobyanin and said that Attorney General’s Office scheduled seizure of documents at his company on the following day. Sobyanin knew that Putin did not approve of or plan anything of the kind. He immediately telephoned Putin. Putin told him to come to his residence in Novo-Ogaryovo and to bring Larissa Brycheva, head of legal department of the Kremlin.
Later in the evening Senate Speaker Sergey Mironov was summoned to Novo-Ogaryovo. He and Sobyanin spent the night there, just in case, and in the morning on June 2 went to the Council of Federation to present the decree on the dismissal of Attorney General Vladimir Ustinov.
Source: Newsweek, 18 October 2010
According to another version, Sobyanin initiated the resignation of Attorney General Ustinov in connection with the fact that in the summer of 2006, the Attorney General's Office conducted an investigation of financial abuse in the Tyumen region. According to other sources, Sobyanin sought to reduce the influence of his deputy Igor Sechin and Ustinov was member of Sechin’s group. It was suggested that Yuri Chaika who filled the position of Attorney General after Ustinov’s dismissal was a confidant of Sobyanin.
Source: Novaya Gazeta, 22 June 2006
In November 2006 Sobyanin as a member of the Supreme Council of United Russiatook part in the VII Party Congress. Media reported that participation of the head of administration in party activities was caused by a struggle for control of theUnited Russia between Sobyanin and his deputy Surkov. Thus, according to the media, the direct participation of the head of presidential administration of Russia in the Congress was to strengthen his influence on the party.
Source: Vedomosti, 01 December 2006. - № 227 (1754)
On October, 9, 2010 Sobyanin was one of four candidates to become mayor of Moscow who were presented to the president by United Russia. On October, 15, 2010, Medvedev said that he had decided to propose Moscow City Council to approve Sobyanin new mayor of Moscow.
Source: Interfax, 15 October 2010
According to media reports, in Tyumen, where Sobyanin worked previously, his wife was called Ira Curbs because she allegedly owned Aerodromdorstroy company that paved Tyumen squares with tiles and framed roads with granite curbs. Muscovites were seriously worried that the new mayor will have a new Baturina by his side.
According to the Tyumen media in 2007 Aerodromdorstroy, which for the first time was on the list of largest private companies by Forbes, received 22 orders worth more than 232 million rubles from government transport agency Roads of the Tyumen region. In 2008 the company got 14 orders worth 7.735 billion rubles. In 2010 the company was accused in significant cost overruns in the construction of the first Tyumen underpass.
In addition to the main managing company the group legally registeredAerodromdorstroy-A closed JSC in Moscow.
Sobyanin planned to replace Moscow’s paved sidewalks with tiled ones during the summer of 2011. It is not known which companies would be conducting the work, but the mayor said they are ready to pave 4 million square metres of the capital's sidewalks. The cost of tiles only would run up to not less than 1.2 billion rubles.
Source: NEWSru, 05 April 2011
Shortly after taking office Sobyanin agreed with the VTB management to sell city-owned shares of the Bank of Moscow. The city owned 46.48% stake in the Bank of Moscow, as well as a quarter of the Capital Insurance Group, which owns 17.3% stake in the bank. But VTB management wanted to acquire 100% stake inthe Bank of Moscow.
However, Andrey Borodin who headed of the Bank of Moscow and a board member Leo Alaluev refused to sell their 20% stake in the bank.
In response, Sobyanin took measures to harass the Bank of Moscow leadership, which resulted in a request to City Hall to conduct a Chamber of Accounts audit ofthe Bank of Moscow. Sergey Stepashin promptly responded to the request from the mayor of the capital and on December, 13, 2010, the check began.
As a result, Borodin was removed from office, arrested in absentia, and put on international wanted list.
Source: NEWSru.com, 03 May 201 1
Then after the bankers Sobyanin began to harass capitol officials and businessmen, giving preference to St. Petersburg and Tyumen ones (who in large numbers began to move to Moscow). On February, 7, 2011 head of the Moscow underground known as metro, Dmitry Gayev, was dismissed. And in March 2011 a criminal case was initiated against him.
Prosecution inspection showed violations that indicated, according to the inspectors, to "Gaev and other managers of Moscow metro having of vested interests." Prosecution also suspected managers of the metro in unjustified compensation of passenger transportation costs by increasing the fare.
Source: Rossiyskaya Gazeta, 24 March 2011
In early April 2011 Sobyanin accused top management of the largest enterprises of the capital, ZIL and Tushino engineering plant, in money laundering and embezzlement. The two plants, he said, were on the verge of bankruptcy and in arrears to pay wages to the workers.
The police and the Investigating Committee refused to comment on Sobyanin’s accusations against the senior managers of ZIL and Tushino plant.
Source: Gazeta.ru, 06 April 2011
In 2003 the tape scripts of the alleged recording of telephone communications between head of Rosneft Sergey Bogdanchikov and head of the office of Russia's President Igor Shuvalov appeared on the internet. The interlocutors discussed with Stanislav Belkovsky, a political expert, possibilities and chances of picking on Khodorkovsky. Political ambitions and plans of the oligarch filled the Kremlin with apprehension.
Source: Utro.Ru, 4 August 2004
Sechin was reported to have been able to show whatever he wanted to the President. Some believe it was Sechin who brought in a report of the Council for National Strategy think tank. Published in May 2003 by Stanislav Belovsky, the report “Russia faces the oligarchs’ takeover” dealt with the internal affairs of Russia. Some analysts say the report was part of a “smear campaign” against head ofYUKOS company Mikhail Khodorkovsky. They claim that anti-oligarch report of the Council was initiated by the siloviki group (high-ranking former officers of the KGB and other security agencies), namely Sechin’s group and the group of the then Prosecutor General Vladimir Ustinov.
Source: Izvestya, 9 June 2006
In 2003 a struggle between two factions inside the Kremlin - «old-timers» (led by head of the Staff of the President Aleksandr Voloshin) and «new-comers» (led by Sechin) - was in the focus of attention. Voloshin was reported to back Khodorkovsky. Late in October 2003 he resigned after the arrest of Khodorkovsky. Sechin, an alleged “eminence grise” behind all what happened, did not leave his office, Dmitry Medvedev appointed to Voloshin's post (head of the Staff of the President).
Source: Vedomosti, 3 November 2003
Sechin was deeply involved in the economic policy of Russia. In 2003 he counteracted the attempt to carry out governmental reform of Gazprom holding, the company supervised by Medvedev.
Some analysts claimed that Sechin and president of Rosneft Sergey Bogdanchikov stood up for the criminal prosecution of YUKOS oil-company. On September 2, 2003, Gleb Pavlovsky, head of Foundation for Effective Policy think-tank, publicized a memorandum in his Russian Magazine. According to the paper, Bogdanchikov and Sechin were in charge of the YUKOS case. There were reports, that at the same time in 2003 Sechin offered Mikhail Kasyanov to support the attack against YUKOS in exchange to the presidential post in 2008.
Source: Kommersant-Vlast, 1 December 2003.
Igor Sechin's interest in the conflict between Sergey Bogdanchikov and YUKOScan be explained by the fact that Sergey Bogdanchikov was affiliated with head ofMezhprombank Sergey Pugachov. They had established a joint enterprise (withMezhprombank), called Russian Coil. The same bank financed politically significantRosneft project of oil production in Chechnya. Mezhprombank was the bank of St Petersburg team (people from St Petersburg who got high positions after Putin came to power). Sechin was in this team.
Source: Novaya gazeta, 17 July 2003
The majority of analysts considered Sechin's joining Rosneft as a preparation to get hold of the assets of YUKOS. According to the reports, Sechin's nomination to a high position at Rosneft was indirect evidence that it was he who spearheaded the company to capture YUKOS.
Source: Moskovskiye novosti, 30 July 2004
Sechin's daughter Inga have had something to do with the Moscow's branch ofSurgutneftegazbank since 2004. The banks core shareholder (94.152%) isSurgutneftegaz oil and gas company. Neither Moscow's branch ofSurgutneftegazbank, no the bank's main office gave comments on the situation or confirmed that Sechin's daughter was a shareholder or an employee.Surgutneftegaz's head of PR department Yury Gushchin told journalists that at the time of Boris Yeltsin's presidency there had been nothing wrong in participation of the relatives of those in high eschelons in business, but times changed when Putin came to power. Inga Sechina's husband is Dmitry Ustinov (she became Mrs Ustinov in 2003). Dmitry is a son of former Prosecutor General of Russia. Recently he has joined the Staff of Russia's Presidently. Coincidentally Sechin is in charge of personnel policy at Ustinov's new place of employment.
Source: Novaya gazeta, 2 August 2007
In September 2006 Andrey Patrushev, head of the FSB Nikolay Patrushev's son, became an advisor to chairman of the board of Rosneft Sechin.
Source: Kommersant, 13 August 2006
Sechin’s economic and administrative might became apparent whenVneshekonombank (VEB) “acquired” 50% stake in Tomskneft from Rosneft, a mysterious deal which took place in 2003. Rosneft (Sechin is the chairman of the board) bid for the office building of YUKOS, but lost to previously unknown company Prana, which paid 100.9 m roubles ($3.4 m) for the asset.
Later on, Rosneft managed to buy the office from Prana. The refiner decided to sell 50% stake in Tomskneft to VEB in order to realize necessary $3.4 m. But what happened next was a mishap. Rosneft made a statement that the deal had been secured, half of Tomsneft gone to the bank and the money received. On the contrary, VEB made a statement that it had not bought anything. As a result the bank's supervisory board (which sits minister of finance Aleksey Kudrin and minister of economic development and trade German Gref) turned down the deal.
According to a source in Vneshekonombank, brothers Kovalchuk were a force behind Prana. Rossiya bank's chairman of the board Yury Kovalchuk had institutedOzero co-operative society (together with Vladimir Putin). Eventually he became a largest shareholder of Rossiya bank, the bank considered to be a financial stronghold of the president's friends from St Petersburg.
During the period when Rosneft was looking for the money to buy YUKOS' office, Igor Sechin rang up Vladimir Dmitriyev, the bank's chairman. Such telephone call left no doubts that the acqusition of 50% in Tomskneft had been approved at the very top. But when the situation reached ears of Gref and Kudrin, it became obvious that there was no consensus pertaining the deal. According to the sorce, Gref replied: «You have attacked the wrong bank…» After that it was decided that the bank would play back, but Rosneft already made a statement about the deal and the receit of money.
Source: Novaya gazeta, 2 August 2007
In 2007 the media published articles about a number of Petersburgers who had long-standing good relations with Sechin and, according to some sources, thanks of this acquaintance, were appointed to high-level positions. Among them were such people as Defense Minister, Anatoly Serdyukov (February 2007); the head of the Central Election Commission, Vladimir Churov (March 2007); and Chairman of the Investigating Committee at the Prosecutor's Office, Alexander Bastrykin (September 2006).
Source: Kommersant, 22 June 2007
Media linked Sechin to the situation surrounding the oil company Russneft and its former president Mikhail Gutseriyev. On July, 30, 2007 Gutseriyev voluntarily resigned from his presidential position. According to some sources, on the same day Russneft was scheduled to be sold to a holding company Basic Element owned by Oleg Deripaska, but this did not happen. Allegedly a third party interfered with in the execution of the deal. On July, 31, 2007 100 percent of Russneft shares were arrested and on August, 28, 2007 the Tver court of Moscow arrested Gutseriyev in absentia. Later the entrepreneur, according to some unconfirmed reports, asked the British authorities for political asylum. Deripaska personally cleared the purchase of Russneft with President Putin and some of the presidential administration officials. The media reported that the third force to the situation was Sechin since he had an interest in Russneft.
Source: Kommersant, 29 August 2007
In November-December 2007 the media published an interview with the co-owner and president of financial-industrial group Finansgrupp, Oleg Shvartsman. In the interview Shvartsman told about the business he headed in which relatives of people employed in the power unit of the presidential administration were involved. He also mentioned the possible establishment of a state corporationSocial Investment and spoke about weaning private assets in the "velvet re-privatization." When answering a journalist’s question about who instructed those who Shvartsman worked for, he replied: “The party! ... And for us the party is represented by the power unit, which is headed by Igor Sechin.”
The publication of this article caused a huge scandal. Sechin’s reaction to the article is unknown.
Source: Gzt.ru, 04 December 2007
In December 2008 the US newspaper The New York Times presented Sechin in one of its articles as the main raider in Russia who organized takeovers "sometimes to the benefit of the state, or sometimes to the benefit of companies that are friendly to him.” The newspaper told the story of Sechin taking interest to the situation around the company Uralkali after an accident at one of its mines in Berezniki. Sechin threatened to impose high fines on Uralkali that could cripple the company's work and the government refused to the company owner’s proposal to offset some of the damage caused by the accident. The New York Timesinterpreted the two facts as evidence that the Kremlin wanted to entirely takeUralkali over.
Source: The New York Times, 07 December 2008
In February 2009 Deputy Prime Minister Igor Sechin lobbied for the appointment of a person close to him as first CEO Deputy of IDGC Holding JSC, which controlled the power delivery network. The mentioned person was Nikolai Shvets, a former adviser to the head of Russian Technologies, Sergey Chemezov. The holding CEO, Alexander Kazakov, three times refused to hire Shvets. In the beginning of the last week of February allegedly Vladimir Putin personally telephoned Kazakov and asked him why he was leaving work. Putin had on his table a decree on Kazakov’s resignation. At that moment the decree was not yet signed.
Kazakov replied that he had no intention to leave, and that someone around him was plotting. The Prime Minister allegedly reassured Kazakov and told him to continue working and not to worry. On February, 26, Kazakov was dismissed from work and Nikolai Shvets became head of IDGC Holding JSC.
Source: Newsweek, 10 March 2009
In February 2010 the media published an article by Andrey Odinets about Russia's interests in Latin America that claimed the existence of links between Russian investments in the economies of several countries in the region and support that these countries showed to Russian politics. Sechin harshly criticized the publication and, in particular, flatly rejected the assertion that Russia could encourage investment in the Latin American economy in exchange for recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, calling the assertion biased and aimed at the jeopardizing confidence in Russia.
Source: Kommersant, 15 February 2010
At the end of March 2011 President Medvedev announced that all the vice-premiers and ministers of the Russian government must withdraw from the boards of directors of state companies by mid-summer 2011. On April, 11, 2011 Sechin resigned as board chairman of Rosneft, but remained on the board until the annual meeting of shareholders.
Source: Marker, 11 April 2011
In 2009 Arkady Dvorkovich’s brother Mikhail Dvorkovich joined Mirax Groupcompany as an advisor to the president of the board of directors Sergey Polonsky.
Source: RBK daily, 2 February 2010
At the end of 2010 Mikhail Sukhov, chief inspector of the Central Bank of Russia, was reelected to the board for the second 5 year term. His nomination was approved by the Staff of the President by mediation of banker Igor Kogan. The official approval from the Staff of the President was easily received thanks for help of Igor Kogan's friend and advisor to the president Arkady Dvorkovich.
Source: Vek, 2 March 2011
At the beginning of 2010, chief owner and manager of United Company Rusal (Russian aluminium company) Oleg Deripaska proved he could rival and win market economy. His success was stipulated by two factors. First of all, United Company Rusal became an ancor investor of state-run Vnesheconombank (Bank for development and foreign economic affairs) after having invested over $600m in the bank's shares. Secondaly, German Gref, deputy chairman of state-ownedSberbank, announced his bank was ready to refinance (mutually withVnesheconombank) UC Rusal's $4.5b debt.
This anti-market step was advocated and carried out by an ideologist of Medvedev’s modernisation, advisor to the president Arkady Dvorkovich. It was he who brought “good news” to Sberbank and Vnesheconombank shareholders about the plans to help Rusal “a little”. Dvorkovich flew to Hong Kong to attend official enlisting of UC Rusal on HKEX (According to Russian mafia internet portal, the Hong Kong Stock Exchange at least twice refused Rusal to file 10% of shares for IPO10%).
Source: Vedomosti, 26 January 2010
These are the alleged airplanes which Arkady Dvorkovich used to travel:
5 December 2010 Karlsruhe-Baden-Baden. Amira Air airlines (flight OE-HRR);
2 January 2011 Krasnodar. Meridian airlines (flight RA-65798);
23 January 2011 Innsbruck. Moskovskoye Nebo airlines (flight OE-IIC);
11 February 2011 Ufa. Sirius-Aero airlines (flight RA-65604);
17 February 2011 Krasnoyarsk. Jet Aviation Business Jet airlines (flight VP-BNO).
We only know for sure what Dvorkovich did in Ufa - he attended State Council meeting which the president chaired. We did not find any reports about the official events Dvorkovich might have attended on these dates. One interesting thing is that Gulfstream V airplane of Jet Aviation Business Jet airlines (number VP-BNO) is constantly used by Oleg Deripaska to flight to different cities, including Krasnoyarsk.
Besides that we found video dated 2 December. Dvorkovich gave a comment to Dozhd TV channel on Russia’s winning the bid to host 2018 World Football Cup. He was interviewed on Skype at the background which looked more like an European hotel than an office in Kremlin or Moscow's White House (headquarters of the Cabinet of Ministers of Russia).
Source: Novaya Gazeta, 24 April 2011
